UlteriorMotive

Politics and International Affairs and the quest for the ulterior motive.

Tuesday, October 31, 2006

Two death sentences and a controversy
The Delhi High Court finally gave justice to Priyadarshini Mattoo in the sensational rape and murder case involving Santosh Singh, son of former cop J.P. Singh. The ruling, a landmark of sorts, overrode the earlier judgment passed by the trial court, in which the judge rather impotently let Singh go free although the judge was convinced that Singh had indeed committed the crime. The trial judge also admonished the investigative authorities and the prosecution for a shoddy job done in the case. The case, which seemed set to go into the cold storage, was revived thanks to the national outrage caused by the acquittal of the accused in the Jessica Lal case. The Mattoo judgment will certainly go a long way in reassuring the nation’s citizens that justice can be given to the victim, albeit rather late and with lots of public pressure and media attention thrown in. Further, the death sentence in itself will ensure that a sense of ‘real’ justice has been delivered for a crime that has been rightly billed as ‘rarest of rare’. But like in any independent judiciary and a democratic setup the guilty has a right to appeal and it is likely that the case may drag on and ultimately knock the doors of the Supreme Court. That said, the very fact that the Delhi High Court has delivered on its job and with the father of deceased finally looking satisfied will go a long way in regaining public support for the pillars of Indian democracy that seemed to have been shaken post the Jessica Lal judgment.

Another death sentence was handed in another high profile case to Mohammed Afzal, the main accused in the dastardly attack on the Indian parliament in 2002. The judgment has had a mixed reaction by the media and the intelligentsia in the country. Many firebrand politicians, leaning to the right or far right of Indian politics, welcomed the judgment and hailed it as a necessary deterrent to any future attacks on democracy and its vital institutions. On the other hand, a mix of social scientists and activists has voiced an opinion against the hanging order. Most notably, Arundhati Roy, the Booker prize-winning novelist and social activist have faulted the Indian justice system and have raised the voice against capital punishment. Observers have also argued on the ‘efficacy’ of capital punishment as many studies have indicated that it does not serve as a deterrent to avoid crimes. While still others argue that will justice not be denied to the families of the braves who fought off the parliament attack. A simplistic answer to a complex argument seems foolhardy. Afzal’s case does fall under the rarest of rare cases and for that he must be hanged. As a nation that is under constant attack from hostile neighbours and victim of the global jihad for years, a strong message needs to be sent out to the world and terror perpetrators that India will not lets its democracy and its institutions be harmed or attacked. More so, many have argued that the ruling will cause great anguish and an uprising in Jammu and Kashmir. The argument is fraught with danger as it amounts to saying that the people of Jammu and Kashmir support the actions of Afzal and hanging him would make him a ‘martyr’. Leaving aside a minority one can reasonably argue that the people of J&K will be only too happy to see such a man go to the gallows in order to help their youth move away from the notion of martyrdom made so infamous by Jihadi propagandists like bin Laden. Martyrdom means dying for one’s country, and not by trying to destroy it.

The controversy surrounding the Afzal hanging aside, the Mattoo and Afzal judgments, though similar in outcome have elucidated a curiously differing response. For Mattoo, a 23-year-old student raped and killed, the death sentence has been received with great relief and a feeling of vindication. As for Afzal, a terrorist who was willing to wage war against the State, the response has been one of doubt and a feeling of victimization for the accused. This when the justice delivery system in both cases was delivered by the same penal code and by the same courts. Then why is it that we doubt once judgment while welcoming the other when the outcome remains the same? One would like to see the same amount of press coverage and outspoken critique of the Mattoo judgment vis-à-vis capital punishments. Will any activist openly come out and oppose Santosh Singh’s death sentence? One thinks not. Is it because the family of the Mattoo’s, Lal’s and Katara’s can get time on air and be pursued by the press while those of the brave men and women who laid down their lives to protect the State are, to put it crudely, not important enough to pursue to make them seek justice?

3 Comments:

  • At 7:12 PM, Anonymous Anonymous said…

    to begin with - it's wonderful to know that the accused has finally met his rightful fate in the Mattoo case.

    Wonder why the judicial system is clinging to hypocrisy? Baffles me to know that they are considering pardoning Afzal!!!!!

    Why are lives of the 'lesser' known taken for granted???

    completely agree with the post!!! if only i had taken up my initial calling of becoming a lawyer!!!

     
  • At 7:12 PM, Anonymous Anonymous said…

    to begin with - it's wonderful to know that the accused has finally met his rightful fate in the Mattoo case.

    Wonder why the judicial system is clinging to hypocrisy? Baffles me to know that they are considering pardoning Afzal!!!!!

    Why are lives of the 'lesser' known taken for granted???

    completely agree with the post!!! if only i had taken up my initial calling of becoming a lawyer!!!

    jahnvi

     
  • At 11:46 PM, Anonymous Anonymous said…

    Gallows for Afzal - Collective Conscience or Ignorance:

    In the sensational 13 Dec 2001, Parliament of India attack case, the issue of death sentence for Mohammed Afzal Guru should be analyzed within the boundaries of the existing law and not on the basis of so called collective conscience.

    The evidence of conspiracy against Afzal stands on his own testimony- he confessed that he brought one of the 5 men involved in the attack from Srinagar to Delhi and helped him buy a used car and on the recovery of explosives from his house, and most crucially, on records of cellphone calls to the five. But the evidence is open to doubt. The explosives recovery record is not watertight. The police couldn't explain why they broke into his house during his absence while he was in jail - when the landlord had the key.

    The cellphone record traced several calls from the five men to number 98114-89429. The police allegedly impounded the instrument from Afzal while arresting him in Srinagar. The instrument had no SIM card. So the only identity mark was its IMEI number, unique to each instrument.

    There are only two ways to find this tell-tale number: open the instrument, or dial a code and have the number displayed. But the officer who wrote the recovery memo said on oath that he neither opened nor operated the instrument. Besides, the testimonies regarding the date of purchase of the phone with a new SIM card ( December 4, 2001 ) and its first recorded operation ( November 6, 2001 ) don't match. The benefit of doubt heavily weighs in favor of Afzal.

    Afzal's conviction and sentencing violates cardinal principles of natural justice on the following 3 grounds:

    Firstly, the charge-sheet was against 12 persons. The masterminds were Azhar, Tariq Ahmed and Ghazi Baba. It is significant to note that they are Pakistanis. They have neither been arrested nor have they been tried. If Pakistan extradites them, then they shall escape the gallows. The Parliament was attacked de facto by 5 Pakistanis. They were responsible for the death of 9 members of the security forces. Afzal did not cause anyone's death, he did not injure anyone. He did not mastermind the attack. The Apex court of India has observed that there is no direct evidence of his involvement.

    Secondly, all the courts, including the Apex Court have acquitted him of the charges under Prevention of Terrorism Act ( POTA ) of belonging to any terrorist organisation.

    Thirdly, Afzal was denied a fair trial. The investigation was illegal. The courts noted that evidence was fabricated and he never had a lawyer who represented him. The Judge passed an order giving Afzal the right to cross-examine witnesses but it is a herculean task, even for a person with legal training but devoid of knowledge of criminal law. The provisions of the International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights ( ICCPR ) have been grossly disregarded.

    The Apex Court has held that, "the incident, which resulted in heavy casualties, had shaken the entire nation and the collective conscience of the society will only be satisfied if capital punishment is awarded to the offender."

    Collective conscience of a society whose members are probably unaware of the fact that Afzal a former Jammu & Kashmir Liberation Front ( JKLF ) man had surrendered and convinced others also to surrender.

    Collective conscience of a society, some of whose members allegedly attacked Senior Advocate Ram Jethmalani's office when he offered to defend Afzal. Its a pity that Afzal did not have the benefit of ace defence counsel Ram Jethmalani who would have torn the prosecution case apart and made the difference between life and death for Afzal.

    Collective conscience of a society, more than half of whose members, still do not know that Afzal is acquitted of all charges under the POTA.

    Collective conscience of a society which is still unaware of the fact that the dependents of victims of the attack have not yet been rehabilitated properly.

    Which ever way you look at it, its not collective conscience but collective ignorance.

     

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